ENDING THE DISASTER IN UKRAINE:
AN INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

Radio Roma, February 24, 2025

NOTE FROM THE EDITOR: This issue of Disarmament Times features three speakers on ending the Ukraine War.  The presentations, lightly edited for clarity, were addressed to a February 24 Zoom conference sponsored by Radio Roma.  The flyer for the conference appears at  https://www.radioroma.tv/2025/02/24/ending-the-disaster-in-ukraine-an-international-conference/ and the entire video recording (in English) is available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bEkgZZs4MR4&t=2s  For your convenience, time stamps from the conference for each of the presentations are included.  Brief author bios appear after each presentation.

--Brian D’Agostino, Ph.D.

Benjamin Abelow [1][16:43]

Let me start off with a few basics. I have a medical background and a background in history and studying arms control, and it's a truism in medicine, of course, that if you have an incorrect diagnosis of a problem, you're going to apply a treatment that may well be unhelpful or damaging or even kill the patient. And I think that analogy applies very well to what we're seeing here, where the “diagnosis” of the deep causes of this war that we've been presented in the public media and from our governments and from the EU and from NATO are completely incorrect. So I'm going to focus for just a few minutes on some of the basics, and I'm going to try to simplify things.

Obviously, there are many factors that have led to this war, and in the superficial, immediate level, of course, the war started when Vladimir Putin invaded on February 24, 2022. So there's no denying that that was the initiation, or what I call the proximal cause of the war. But as for the deeper causes, there are two main narratives or stories that are presented by different sources about how the war started. One is that Vladimir Putin is a sort of Hitler-like character who was involved in a land grab, or as trying to reconstitute the Russian Empire or the Soviet Union. And as a shorthand, I label this the Hitler land grab thesis. And this is what we've heard over and over again.

The main alternative view, which is the one I'll be describing here, is that the expansion of NATO toward and to Russia's borders actually provoked the war by creating a sense of military threat for Russia. This view has often been described as Russian propaganda, but in fact, virtually all the evidence supports it. So I'm going to focus on that evidence and for just a few minutes run through a few of the basic facts in the form of quotations, which I'll actually be reading, just to provide some background that may help people who are not that familiar with this information, and also may provide some good background for some of the other presentations, for understanding some of the more in-depth analyses that you'll be getting.

So, something truly remarkable happened in 2023.  Jens Stoltenberg, who at that time was the Secretary General of NATO, gave a talk to the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. And his aim in that talk, or part of it, was to embarrass and humiliate Putin by describing how all these other countries that previously were not members of NATO are now eager to join NATO. And I'm going to read you a passage of what he said, and very interestingly, he gave away the entire story in this passage. Although he had previously argued that NATO played no role, this time, he kind of lost himself when he was trying to embarrass Putin, and he did what Professor Jeffrey Sachs described as a Washington gaffe, which Dr. Sachs defined as what happens when somebody accidentally blurts out the truth. So I'm going to read you that passage now:

President Putin declared in the autumn of 2021, and he actually sent a draft treaty that they wanted NATO to sign to promise no more NATO enlargement. Of course, we didn't sign that. He wanted us to sign that promise never to enlarge NATO. We rejected that. So he went to war to prevent NATO, more NATO close to his borders. He got the exact opposite.

Really an incredible statement, and that in itself really should put an end to any discussion about whether NATO expansion played an important role in this.

But I'm going to read another quotation, this one from a February 28, 2022 interview in the online publication Politico, with Fiona Hill, who is a real hawk and was also a Russia specialist in the US National Intelligence Council. Now, the US National Intelligence Council is one of the many intelligence bodies in the United States, and their particular role is to synthesize information from a variety of other intelligence sources and provide them to the different wings of the US government. So this is really a top level intelligence analysis, and I'm going to read you the passage from that interview where the interviewer from Politico says, “So Putin is being driven by emotion right now, not by some kind of logical plan.” And then Fiona Hill, correcting the interviewer, says:

 I think there's been a logical plan, a logical, methodical plan that goes back a long way, at least to 2007 when he [Putin] put the world and certainly Europe on notice that Moscow would not accept the further expansion of NATO. Back then, I was a national intelligence officer, and the National Intelligence Council was analyzing what Russia was likely to do in response to the NATO policy regarding Ukraine and Georgia.  One of our assessments was that there was a real, genuine risk of some kind of preemptive military action, not just confined to the annexation of Crimea, but some much larger action taken against Ukraine.

This is a remarkable assessment coming from a high-level US National Intelligence body in 2007 or early 2008 that described and predicted the future with incredible accuracy. Eight years before the annexation of Crimea, US intelligence predicted that, in response to NATO policy regarding Ukraine, Crimea might be annexed, and 14 years before the 2022 invasion, they predicted there might be a larger action. Even aside from what Jens Stoltenberg said, this statement makes it hard to imagine that anyone could think seriously that NATO policy did not play an important role in bringing about this invasion.

Let me say one more thing briefly, about the opening question you asked on how all this misinformation got going. I'm speaking about government misinformation, and misinformation being promulgated through the mainstream media. And the answer, I think, can be well described by a term that Noam Chomsky popularized, but that has actually been prevalent, I think, since the 1920s and it refers to “the manufacture of consent,” which pertains to democratic regimes.  By way of contrast, in an authoritarian regime, the coercive powers of the government can be freely unleashed against the populace; you don't need quite so much to engage the populace and to gain support for policies. But in a democratic establishment or a democratic realm, if the elite wants to push through a policy, they have to gain the consent of the people who are governed. And this “manufacture of consent” is the idea that the government through its public mouthpiece can manipulate public opinion, and in fact, “manufacture consent” for its preferred policies.  And the media, which is ostensibly independent but in fact is beholden to the government, plays a central role.

And I think that's what we've seen now. And one of the things, of course, that's so disturbing is the extent to which we are all so susceptible to relying on certain sources, whether it be The New York Times, The Washington Post, or different publications in Italy. And in fact, we have to rely on sources because we don't have time to research everything ourselves. But when those sources start to misrepresent information to us, we can readily be taken in, and we are much more gullible than we would like to believe. And in fact, this is exactly what happened in this war where overwhelming evidence that NATO played a crucial role in the precipitation of this war has been thoroughly obscured by the actions of our government, by the media, by NATO, by the European Union.

Benjamin Abelow holds a B.A. in European history from the University of Pennsylvania, an M.D. from Yale, and previously worked in Washington, DC doing education work and lobbying about nuclear arms control policy. His 2022 book How The West Brought War to Ukraine has been translated into eight languages.


Elena Basile [2][54:02]

First of all, thank you for this invitation. I think it's a nice initiative to put analysts from different countries together, which allows us to sort out a bit from the provinciality of the political debate in Italy. Well, many things brought us to this situation. First of all, how the European Union was constructed. We have to understand that since the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, we started a construction which is really completely irrational. We have a monetary union, single currency in an area which is so heterogeneous, and we are not a federal state, so we do not have the possibility of a redistribution of the benefits. The rich countries are becoming always richer and poor countries more fragile. The joke is that if the European Union was asking the European Union to enter, they would not be eligible, because we don't have a division among powers, legislative, executive and judiciary, the rule of law, in other words Montesquieu is not yet arrived in Europe. In reality, Europe is a market and the Four Freedoms (free movement of goods, services, capital, and people). It is a bureaucracy linked to the business lobby and the Israel lobby as well.  We do not have a social Europe, a democratic Europe.

In 2003 you remember, Germany, Belgium, and France did not participate in the Iraq War and were very vocal against it.  In NATO, we used to have a certain dialectic. But in the 2008 NATO Summit at Bucharest, the German foreign minister was attacked by the Polish minister, under the impenetrable eyes of Condoleezza Rice, and we had for the first time the real perception that power in Europe was shifting, and Eastern European countries became the subjectivity which was more compatible with the neocon policies. And this has gone on, of course, with the Maidan Square coup and the Russian annexation of Crimea determining the alignment of all European countries with the hegemon.

I was Ambassador to Sweden in 2013 and I can assure you that the dispatches I received from the Italian government were completely different from the dispatches that I'm sure the ambassador is receiving now. Back then, we dealt with the different interests within Europe--Italy, Germany, France, the continental Europe, the Mediterranean Europe against the Russophobia of the Scandinavians, Baltic and the Polish. I was told to temper the hubris of Sweden. The Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bilt had built his whole career on the hate against Moscow and we were told to temper his way of interpreting the narrative with Ukraine, which was very dangerous and would have brought us to a conflict. 

After 2014, Germany gave up trying to preserve good relations with Russia, and continental Europe followed.  Now we are buying American natural gas for five times more than we paid for gas from Russia.  We have a suicidal leading class, that, according to Emmanuel Todd, either has psychiatric problems—which is very funny, because he says it in a serious way—or is being blackmailed.  Surprisingly, the total conformism that we have in Europe is betraying even the interest of the elites, not only of the European people.  So according to Todd—I don't know if it's true or not—with the internet, American control of the financial system is blackmailing the European 1%, they know where the money flows to fiscal paradise. 

But I think there is another characteristic which is even more important today. We don't have a European leading class that is linked to the wealth of a single country. We have a transnational elite that is linked with the dominion of the dollar.  For example, big German industry is transnational and is linked to Washington. This is in contrast with small German industry, which in fact supports peace. And as I wrote in my book L'Occidente e il nemico permanente (The Western World and its Permanent Enemy), I think the main reason for America’s wars—not only in Ukraine but also in the Middle East—is a desperate attempt by the United States to save the dominion of the dollar, which is threatened. The most important strategic rival, China, is no longer willing to finance the US debt.

The trend towards multi-polarity is however an objective trend. The US can try to threaten its adversaries, but things will not really change. China and the other BRICS are very cautious. They never said that they want to replace the dollar system. They are just trying to defend their sovereignty and defend it with bilateral exchange in their national currencies, so as not to be threatened by Washington, as Russia was threatened against all the international rules.  They are an important counterweight to the United States and the unipolar moment. 

NATO and the expansionism of NATO in this war are an example of the unipolar moment. It is not only for 20 years, but is a longstanding mentality of the neocons in Washington.  The BRICS are a counterweight and a limitation of this hubris, of this arrogance. And I think they are bringing back the principle of multilateralism, which the West cancelled with all the wars that NATO has started, beginning with the 1999 bombing of Belgrade, which was done without authorization of the United Nations.  I think therefore this evolution is positive. If we had statesmen in the West, we would work towards a political accommodation, a geopolitical mediation, a compromise on the financing of the US debt, with China and the Global South.

Elena Basile is an Italian writer, columnist, and former diplomat. She served as ambassador to Sweden from 2013 to 2017, and ambassador to Belgium 2017 to 2021. Ms. Basile is the author of several books, including in 2024 L'Occidente e il nemico permanente (The Western World and its Permanent Enemy).


Chas W. Freeman, Jr. [3][1:26:53]

Good evening. I'd like to speak to you this evening about the question of peace in Europe and whether the dominion of the West over the world has now ended. The two questions are connected.

How wars end matters. The Napoleonic wars ended in the reconciliation of Europe's great powers, including the defeated French at the Congress of Vienna. The resulting inclusive Concert of Europe ensured the imperfect peace that ended only in World War One, which was fought mainly in Europe. It was followed by the vindictive exclusion of two great European powers from any role in or commitment to sustaining stability in Europe. The excommunication of Germany and Russia laid the basis for World War Two, which, for Americans, was both Trans-Atlantic and Trans-Pacific. That war ended not in a peace, but in a cold war, a tense but stable order, sustained by mutual deterrence through military confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States. The failure to include a role for Russia in Europe commensurate with its power has now once again brought war to the continent.

The lessons of history are clear. There can be no stable order in Europe that excludes any of its great powers.  Those that see no peaceful way to ensure respect for their security interests, will see no reason not to use force to defend them. And if there is no prospect of a sustainable framework to safeguard their interests, they will prefer outcomes on battlefields to those contrived at the negotiating table.

This is the story of the Ukraine war. After nearly three decades of indifference and rejection of Russian security concerns by the United States and NATO, Russia issued an ultimatum, demanding negotiations on three of these concerns. First, neutrality for Ukraine, rather than its incorporation into NATO, an alliance premised on armed hostility to Russia. Second, respect for the linguistic and cultural rights of Ukraine's large Russian speaking population. And third, agreement on Europe-wide security arrangements that could mitigate and relieve Russian security anxieties, as well as those of the West.

The West flatly refused to discuss these issues. This left Russia with a choice between abandoning its ultimatum and accepting NATO and American forces everywhere on its western borders, or going to war to prevent this.  Russia, quite predictably, chose war, though it limited this to what Putin called a special military operation. Russia's invasion of Ukraine was followed within weeks by a draft treaty in which Ukraine agreed to meet the basic Russian requirements, but the West was more interested in isolating and weakening Russia than in a ceasefire. It persuaded Ukraine to repudiate what it had agreed to.

The Ukraine war is now about to enter its fourth year. It has been catastrophic for Ukraine and humiliating for the West. Ukraine is on its last legs, depopulated, deindustrialized, depleted of military manpower, shorn of its democracy, bankrupt and territorially reduced. Meanwhile, Russia has not been isolated or weakened. It has continued to limit its objectives, but its terms for peace are hardening. Ukraine's options continue to narrow. Russia will not cease to insist on a Ukraine that does not threaten it and a broader framework for peace in Europe.  There will be no cease fire or Korean style demilitarized zone between Russia and the West. In Ukraine, the West has failed to prevail on the battlefield. It will not prevail at the negotiating table.

The alternative to war in Ukraine is nothing less than a peace that sets agreed borders between Ukraine and Russia and prevents the division of Europe into mutually hostile blocs. Achieving this will require Russia and the West to each address and take actions to alleviate the other's fears and suspicions. That will not be easy for either side, but it is time for both to try. An agreement to end the war has clearly been made more difficult by the ways in which the world has changed since it began. The United States has become a serial violator of the principle of pacta sunt servanda (agreements must be kept).  No one, least of all, Russia now trusts Washington to honor its word. The collective West's shameless backing for Israel's sadistic genocide in Palestine, attacks on its neighbors, and territorial expansion have made it clear that the Atlantic community no longer adheres to or feels bound by international law. 

The blatant double standards the West has applied to Ukraine and Palestine have cost its moral authority with all of the peoples it formerly colonized. The global majority sees Western policies as unjust.  The promiscuous imposition by the United States and G7 of sanctions and other coercive measures on other countries has resulted in their almost universal withdrawal of respect for Western leadership and willingness to follow it.  Strained and worsening relations between the West and resurgent powers like Brazil, India and China that are interested in helping broker peace in Ukraine ensure that they will be less supportive of the West than they otherwise might have been. The cumulative effect of these and other recent changes in the world order will be either mounting chaos or the emergence of a new international system in which renewed respect for the sovereign equality of nations and for their security concerns replaces the current global anarchy. How the war in Ukraine ends will determine which of these alternatives rules our future. Thank you.

Charles "Chas" W. Freeman Jr. is a writer and retired American diplomat. He served in the State and Defense Departments in many different capacities over the course of thirty years. Mr. Freeman is a past president of the Middle East Policy Council, co-chair of the U.S. China Policy Foundation, and a Lifetime Director of the Atlantic Council.